Chapter Three: Learning by Going Inside
I decided to raise money for my own salary and start a parochial
mission out of the Church of the Holy Trinity on East 88th Street. A
parochial mission is a new parish initiated by another parish; it is
not permitted by the Episcopal Church simply to start a parish on your
own. The Rev. Clarke Oler was rector there, and I will be forever
thankful that he was willing to take me under his canonical wing so I
could move to East Harlem, fifteen blocks north of the mother church,
and continue with what I wanted to do.
In the early 1960s drugs were
overrunning New York City, and especially Harlem. Everything about
drugs exacerbated the poverty and racism that already plagued that part
of the city. I had seen drug addicts staggering around the streets of
the Lower East Side, lost in a maze that seemed even deeper than that
suffered by alcoholics. The newspapers continually talked about the
drug epidemic; hospitals, police precincts, courts and prisons were
faced with a rising tide that threatened all their regular work. But
here, in the ghetto, the plague was truly pandemic. I was tantalized by
the seeming ease of the solution: get people off drugs, and everything
would be all right. I was hardly alone in this belief.
At first we talked about opening a
regular storefront ministry that would reach out to anyone in the
neighborhood, and bring in addicts that way. There would be an emphasis
on helping men just released from prison, to connect them with jobs and
to offer them a support community.
In the process of making these plans,
Clarke and I recognized that it would give me more of a supportive
framework to join the East Harlem Protestant Parish (EHPP), a group of
clergy from various denominations who agreed that none of the staff,
including themselves, would receive more than the average wage of those
working in the community.
The EHPP had been started soon after
World War II by Rev. George W. (Bill) Webber and Rev. Norm Eddy,
clergymen with the idealism and determination of my mentor, Bishop
Moore. They offered a ministry that strengthened individuals
spiritually; but even more, they were politically involved in the
community, trying to improve schools, housing and employment
opportunities. Tackling the drug monster was a big part of the
ministry.
The assistant directorship of the EHPP
Narcotics Committee was offered to me. The Rev. Lynn Hageman, a Dutch
Reformed minister, was the director of the office, on 103rd Street
between First and Second Avenues. The program at that time was largely
religious: pastoral counseling, Bible study and prayer. Lynn was a real
scholar, a weight lifter with a huge chest and arms, and a strong
interest in Karl Marx. In the little office on Sunday mornings we held
Bible study with all the recovering addicts, followed by Holy
Communion.
First a passage was read from the Bible
and then "the guys" - there were no women yet - would retell the
passage in the hip lingo of the day. The story of the life of David was
especially rich, since it had plenty of sex and violence. "So David
peeped this broad, Bathsheba, naked on a roof and he really dug her.
But first he had to figure out how to off her husband, Uriah ... "
It was January 1964. I had $10,000 for
two years' salary. I found an apartment on the 5th floor of a tenement
and moved in with my wife, daughter and son, who were then four and
two. Our neighbors were friendly. I took up layers of linoleum from the
floor, built a double bunk for my children, made a new top to cover the
bathtub in the kitchen-living room-bedroom, and we were ready for our
new adventure.
As part of the East Harlem Protestant
Parish, I worked with others to start a rehabilitation center called
Exodus House, named as a reference to faithful people going out of
slavery into the wilderness, seeking the promised land. We emphasized
the troubles of wandering in the wilderness as we discovered the
challenges of simply leaving the slavery to drugs. We all agreed
quickly on the name as having great meaning for us --but looking back,
we underestimated the challenges of the wilderness, for there was no
promised land free of trouble. Robert M. Pennoyer, first Chairman of
our board, helped raise money from foundations and
individuals-$400,000- to build a handsome, modern four-story building
with rooms for ex-addicts and classrooms. In those days there were many
fewer hurdles like environmental permits and community approvals, and
private money was easier to raise for this new problem. We just raised
the money, built the building, and opened up. It has since become the
East Harlem School, and continues to offer a way out of the troubles of
East Harlem.
In the 1960's many of us were chasing a
receding horizon: "sufficiency of care," which we believed would turn
ghetto addicts into taxpaying citizens. Once we got someone off drugs,
we believed, getting them a job would be enough. So we found them jobs.
But often they failed to go to the interview and actually take the job.
And if they went, they did not stay. Soon, more often than not, they
were on drugs again, breaking into cars, mugging people and
burglarizing apartments to support their habit. In other words, on
their way back to jail. It quickly became clear to me that a lot more
was necessary.
That was when I visited a program run by
psychiatrist Dr. Efren Ramirez in Puerto Rico, and was much impressed
by his sophisticated concept of "stages" of rehabilitation. Addicts
came in for detoxification and lived in Phase One, dressed in diapers
(literally) to emphasize that they were babies--focused only on
themselves, psychologically very needy. The diapers also helped prevent
AWOL departures. Now these practices are long discontinued and they
have disturbing echoes in the scandals of the United States prison in
Iraq, Abu Ghraib, though the residents in Puerto Rico were voluntary.
They moved on up to intermediate stages, taking a year or two to become
"grown up." The whole structure of the undertaking acknowledged that
there was no fast track to curing drug addiction. Other agencies that
later became big names in the field, including Synanon and Daytop, were
coming to similar formulations at the same time, though minus the
diapers.
It seemed clear to the board and staff
of Exodus House that there was no quick fix; it had to be a process.
Without process, we were aping the problem exhibited by addicts
themselves, by seeking a simple, speedy exit from complex problems. So
we tried to implement our own version of the Dr. Efren Ramirez process.
After a year, we stopped fruitlessly
sending men who were not ready out on jobs, and insisted that they
first have a period in a sheltered workshop, which included group
discussions. I started a woodworking shop (stretching for one of my own
earlier dreams, to be a cabinetmaker). I found commissions through
friends, enough to keep us working. I did not have the level of skills
actually to run the place, so I was fortunate to recruit Jay Wenk, a
superb craftsman and a thoughtful, caring man, who was a freelance
cabinet maker. The shop, we decided, was there to teach the process of
building something as well as the woodworking skills involved in
creating cabinets and shelves. We were teaching a trade, but more
important, we taught good work habits: coming on time, showing respect
for co-workers, and understanding the basics of running a legal
business.
One of the most colorful characters in
the shop was known as Cholo, at twenty-four a relatively young member.
We were making one of our more expensive pieces, a cherry kitchen
cabinet, for the actress Barbara Barrie, then famous for her role in
the movie, "One Potato, Two Potato." To install the shelves under the
counter, we cut grooves, and all was going well until Cholo realized he
had put in one of the center dividers upside down, so the shelves could
not connect. In his distress he literally fell over flat on his back
into the sawdust of the shop floor, as if he had passed out. When I
told him that we could fix the problem, he did not believe me. Then we
started the actual process of filling the wrong cuts with splints and
cutting new grooves with a router. Cholo was amazed. We all talked
about it later. Virtually everyone in the shop said that they had
almost no experience of "fixing" a mistake. For them, a fix was a shot
of heroin to transport them away from the problem. Finding a physical
way of solving a problem was a new experience - one I hoped could be
repeated. The very concept of “process” was a revelation to them and it
was a pleasure to watch them get it. That was what we were there for.
But we ourselves still had a lot to
learn. The day for delivering the cherry cabinet arrived, and I
suggested that all six of the men then in the group help deliver it. I
assumed that they would like to see the cabinet in the place it was
designed to fill, and that they would be proud to show off their work
to Barbara Barrie, who was then appearing in TV shows like "Dr.
Kildare." But not one single man came to work that day!
Maybe they could not manage success at
that level. Maybe they were reluctant to part with something on which
they had worked so hard. In any case, I knew I did not have everything
figured out. I took a picture of the cabinet, resting it on top of the
row of garbage cans outside the workshop on 103rd Street, even though
it was not surrounded by the smiling faces of those who had made it. I
delivered the cabinet with a couple of new recruits.
So when Mary Lindsay, the wife of Mayor
John Lindsay, commissioned a walnut corner shelf, I made sure that the
men and I had long talks about the feelings of parting with a beautiful
treasure, of feeling proud of having made it and believing that we had
a right to be visiting in Gracie Mansion where New York's mayors dwell.
This time, everyone showed up to deliver that handsome piece, and Mary
Lindsay served tea and cookies, chatting comfortably with our
tongue-tied group as if she offered tea every day to ex-convict drug
addicts.
Tony Rodriguez was another person who
taught me a memorable lesson. We were having a group session one
afternoon and he was silent, obviously upset. When pressed, he pulled a
wad of bills out of his pocket and said, "I saved all this money, $63,
and I am supposed to give it to my landlord. All my life, some woman
paid the rent, my mother or some other woman. I worked hard for this
money." He had. He was a good worker. "I can't see just giving the man
this money. I only live there! He doesn't do anything for me!" Tony had
a little gray hair and he was not as stupid as these remarks made him
seem. It was not intelligence he was lacking; it was experience. No one
had ever succeeded in making clear to him how the world of housing
worked. We got through only by saying that some day he might save
enough money to buy a building with a down payment and use the rents to
pay the mortgage. Finally he said, "No sonofabitch better try to beat
me for my rent!" Then he laughed at himself.
Part of the work at the office on 103rd
Street included visiting the prisons upstate, which I started doing in
1964. After Rikers Island, I was entering a completely different prison
world.
Rikers was a place of perpetual
transition. Prisoners there always had their eye on the door because
technically, Rikers was not a prison, but a jail- a place where people
were held pending trial, or serving out misdemeanor sentences of less
than a year. If they were waiting for trial, there was always a chance
they'd get off; if they were serving time, they knew for sure they
would be out in a matter of months. Consequently, they were not able to
be attentive to each other in a group setting.
State prison was something else. People
there were doing five, ten, twenty, twenty-five years. This was
serious. Yet when I met inmates doing real time, I was struck by their
sense of humor and their loyalty to their families. They no longer had
their eye on the door as they had on Riker's Island. They were not
under the influence of drugs or drink, and had not been for some time.
They looked a lot healthier than the guys at Rikers, because they were.
For many months or years they had been eating and sleeping with some
regularity and had at least minimum medical care.
But I had begun to realize that these
same men seemed to vanish once they were released back to the City.
Like leaves dropped near a whirlpool, they were quickly swept back into
the downward spiral, and they returned to drugs. They seemed quickly to
give up on the possibility of achieving a sober, crime-free life. They
often showed up at the Narcotics Committee of the East Harlem
Protestant Parish - after a new crime, arrest, incarceration and
release. Then, soon enough, they would disappear into the whirlpool
once again. I was shocked and baffled that anyone who had unearthed
such treasure buried inside him while in prison would throw it away as
soon as he was free.
When the men I had enjoyed visiting in
prison fell to the distractions and temptations of the street, people
said to me, "I'm glad you're finding out what they're really like."
They meant, of course, that they were really only junkies, and the
serious, earnest way they had seemed in prison was a con game. I chose
to believe the reverse: it was in prison that those men were showing
their real selves. There, they could be their best. Outside, utterly
crushed by temptation, they fell to pieces.
I began doing a regular circuit: I would
start at Sing Sing, travel north to Coxsackie, Comstock, Clinton, then
west to Attica, turn back east to Elmira, Eastern, and Green Haven,
seeing half a dozen men at each stop. It would take several days before
I headed home.
Sing Sing, less than an hour out of New
York City, had been built with stone quarried on site. Overlooking the
Hudson River from a bluff, it was shaking with all the violence of an
old-time James Cagney movie. Its famous Yard and four-tiered cell
blocks constituted the set for a constantly unfolding drama of pain and
despair. Guards beat inmates; inmates sometimes attacked and killed
other inmates; some inmates committed suicide.
On my first visit, holding the list of
prisoners who were known to us in our little East Harlem office
(husbands and sons of people in the neighborhood), I entered Sing Sing.
The hundred and thirty years of history fairly dripped from the walls.
The visiting room was immediately on the right after entering the big
gate, so it was not as oppressive in its first impression as some that
would come later. I visited the list of prisoners in the old visiting
room, which you entered through a low swinging gate. Inmates came into
a U-shaped area to approach their visitors, who were waiting on the
other side of a wire mesh barrier. A table separated them further, and
neither prisoner nor visitor was allowed to touch each other through
the mesh, under threat of losing the visit.
I vividly remember one inmate concluding
a visit with his wife, then going to the low door. We were the only
ones in the visiting room. The officer looked the other way as they
kissed each other. I remember her brightly colored silky dress as the
kiss continued for a long time, each of them squirming with longing.
Finally the officer cleared his throat and they parted with difficulty,
touching fingers as long as possible before they staggered to their
respective exits.
That kind of unspoken understanding
between officer and prisoner in Sing Sing impressed me because it
seemed as if it would have been impossible at Rikers Island. Prisoners
did not stay at Rikers long enough for officers to get to know them. At
Sing Sing the prisoner clearly knew he was getting a break and should
not push the limits. I was in an entirely different kind of institution
here- slower, more intense. Life was deeper. I was eager to learn more
about this new, complicated world.
The next stop as I continued on north
was Comstock, its stone walls breaking the softness of the rolling
hills. It was a shock, and still is today, to drive through the gentle,
soft landscape of upstate New York and come upon the outcropping of
concrete which is the prison. Then and now I have the impulse to pray,
"God have mercy on them all: prisoners and staff, locked in together.
Help them to a new place of peace where they can really see each other
and feel close to You."
Comstock housed only young prisoners, up
to twenty-five years of age, and had a reputation for being
particularly tough. There were frequent confrontations between Officers
and staff, since the youngest inmates were the most likely to rush into
fights.
Even then, there were stories about the
Gladiators at Comstock, a group of Officers who would challenge an
inmate to fight with fists. They would go to the basement and one of
them would strip to the waist to fight the prisoner. If the prisoner
chose not to fight, he would still be beaten up by the Officers. If he
fought and won, he would then be beaten up by the Officers. There were
variations on that theme, but it was a tale retold for decades, a sad,
long chapter in the book of macho mania. Bones were broken; prisoners
were killed. This was partly about sadistic revenge, fueled by public
acceptance of the belief that prison should be hell. There was little
thought about the consequences when prisoners are released other than
to “hope they learned their lesson.”
I should not have been surprised by the
Warden at Comstock, John Conboy. I had written to him, requesting
permission to visit and including my list of inmates (those known to us
at the EHPP Narcotics Office). I was a little late because I had
remained longer than expected at Sing Sing. It had been hard to break
off interviews at twenty minutes each. The Officer at the Comstock gate
told me the Warden had left word for me to go to see him when I
arrived.
When I walked into his office, I
extended my hand, but he just glowered. "Sit down," he shouted. I sat
down. "Who the hell do you think you are?"
"I'm Stephen ... "
"I know what the hell your name is!”
"I realize I'm late and ... "
"You're goddam right, you're late! Do
you think we are here to wait on you?!"
"No sir. I'm ready to stay over and come
back tomorrow."
"This is a fucking tough place to run
and I don't need jerks floating in from New York City to make my life
more complicated."
"Yes sir, I understand, so I'll wait."
"You're goddam right you'll wait, maybe
forever!"
"Yes, sir. 1 realize I'm here only if
you ... "
"I don't know what the hell good you
think you're doing visiting this human garbage in here. They aren't
worth the powder it would take to blow them all to hell!" He
was standing, glaring at me, waving his arms.
"Their mothers, sir, have given me .....
"
"I don't think they have mothers, these
sons of bitches, and you make me as sick as they do!" I started to get
up.
"Sit down! I didn't give you permission
to leave!"
"Yes, sir." I sat back down.
"You call yourself a minister."
" Yes, sir."
"What about all the good people you're
supposed to be taking care of? What are they supposed to do while
you're here wiping the asses of these rotten guys?"
"Sir, it's part of my job to ... "
"I don't want to hear your bullshit."
I remained silent and let him go on talking. Slowly, he calmed down.
Then, suddenly he said, "OK, you can see your list. Get the hell out of
my office."
What had just happened? Did he need to
determine if I would be sufficiently obsequious, or did he just need
some personal ventilation while the 3:00 shift settled in and was able
to pull out the inmates on my list? Maybe it was a visitor's version of
the "greetin' beatin," then still being given as a warning to some
prisoners tagged as troublemakers when they arrived on the bus
handcuffed and shackled from another institution. The beating would be
concluded with a warning: "That's for doing nothing. Don't find out
what happens for doing something!"
After that first visit Warden Conboy
always asked to see me when I came to Comstock, and he never duplicated
the invective of the first visit. But he remained an angry man. He
apparently operated on the philosophy that it was better to have
inmates and staff more frightened of him than of each other. In some
ways, it is a sound philosophy - but only if the person at the top is
reasonably sound himself.
One of the inmates I got to see on that
first visit was William Eldridge. We had his name because he had come
by our East Harlem office occasionally. He had not seemed seriously
addicted but he had been using drugs when he was arrested. He often
seemed to be homeless. He was only nineteen, slim, short, with huge
brown eyes, and he spoke so softly that I had a little trouble hearing
him. He reminded me of a deer looking up from grazing. Like almost all
of the prisoners, he seemed very glad to see me, eagerly poking his
fingers through the wire mesh to approximate a handshake (as I said,
those rules weren't always enforced). He asked anxiously about his
mother. Unfortunately, I had no news of her. We talked about East
Harlem and I asked how he was making it inside. I was anxious for him
because he seemed to me to fit the stereotype of someone who might be
raped in prison. But he said he was "doing OK" and seemed to mean it.
It seemed inconceivable that this person would be capable of committing
a felony. Finally, I said, "I don't usually ask guys about their crime
of conviction, but it seems hard to imagine you committing any crime."
He looked down shyly and said, "I never
was in trouble before." He hesitated and then said, "Homicide." He
sighed heavily, put his hands together and went on, "I was in a bar. I
hadn't even had anything to drink ... A guy called my mother a whore
... I got mad and said he shouldn't say that. He asked if I was going
to stop him. He was a big guy, but I was ready to ... another guy slid
a gun down the bar to me. I never had a gun in my hand before. I
grabbed the gun and shot him dead." He looked down sadly. He didn't
say anything that conveyed the wish that he was expecting me
to do anything to reduce his sentence: twenty-five years to life, the
longest possible. He had made a full confession and had presented no
mitigating circumstances to the judge. I later learned the sad truth:
his mother was using drugs, and probably was a whore, at least part
time, to support her habit. William's anger surely came from the
simple, helpless shame at being confronted with the truth. He had no
father in his life and no other family, so it would have taken way
above-average courage and resourcefulness for him to make a life on the
streets, never mind shrug off insults like that. I was sad when our
time was up. I knew of no clear road for the Williams of the world to
follow.
As I got in my car to drive on to
Coxsackie, I could not stop thinking about William. It seemed a
terrible waste to send such a gentle, lost young man to prison for
twenty-five years. Ironically, I thought maybe he had a chance at life,
not in spite of the fact that he was in prison, but because he was
there, since life had been so cruel to him in the streets.
In Coxsackie, I met a young man named
Tyrone, sentenced to five years for armed robbery. He was soft-spoken
and, I thought, of below average intelligence - and he made perfect
sense as we talked mostly about how bad he felt at having let his
mother down. He made no excuses about the armed robbery he had
committed, but the road to that robbery was similar to those I heard
about many times in the years that followed. Tyrone had been struggling
to stay in school, trying to please his mother and graduate from high
school. He was having trouble because he needed extra academic help,
and the school could not provide it. One evening at dusk he was
standing with others on a street corner. An unmarked police car pulled
up. Everyone ran, or tried to, except Tyrone. "I wasn't doing nothing
bad," he said. According to him, one of the others dropped a couple of
bags of heroin before he ran. The police took Tyrone and one other
young man to the station house and slapped them around, trying to get
the names of the other boys. Tyrone refused to cooperate and vehemently
denied to them, as he did to me, that the heroin was his.
The district attorney had offered him a
bargain. If he wanted to plead guilty to the lowest level felony -
attempted possession of a controlled substance - the DA would ask for
two years' probation and Tyrone would never have to go to jail. Tyrone
did not know what any of it meant, but he thought he understood the
part about not going to jail. Legal Aid was as overworked then as it is
today so no one really explained, in a way he could understand, that he
was making a devil’s bargain. Tyrone took it. He pleaded guilty and was
sent to jail because he would not give up the names of the others.
Tyrone now had a felony record. He went
back to school, but the principal gave him a hard time about his
record. He dropped out and tried to get a job, but that record haunted
him. Then he fell in love, and got in real trouble. His
girlfriend wanted to go some place nice on a date. That cost money
Tyrone did not have, and would not get in the normal course of his
life. So he borrowed a gun, and tried to rob a gas station. He was
caught.
From what I could see, it all might
possibly have been avoided by a little more help at school and good
legal advice at the very first arrest. Racial profiling hurts most when
the first "crime" is not a crime, and the plea bargain leads to the
second crime, which then is a real one. Tyrone's story is familiar:
guilty of the crime of conviction, but innocent of the "crime" that got
him started.
Next came Clinton prison in Dannemora,
New York, near the Canadian border, a visually dramatic location.
Nicknamed "Little Siberia," the prison is in the heart of the small
town, its enormous wall running for half a mile along Main Street. The
entrance through that wall leads to a long walkway to the prison
itself. That entrance has always had a reputation as a "tough gate,"
meaning that there they go by the book. It was a time before metal
detectors, so I got a serious frisk, all pockets opened out, shoes off
and shaken, shirt pulled out. I had tried to arrive an hour before the
appointed time to allow for those procedures. I was finally put into a
room by myself, an "attorney's room" as contrasted with the regular
visiting room. So there was no bulletproof glass, no telephone or wire
mesh. It was a good feeling to be able to sit and talk without too much
to remind us of prison.
The inmate there I most strongly
remember, Cedric Harrington, was striking in both size and
intelligence. He was 6'7", physically fit, had dark skin and wore
steel-rim glasses that looked as if he had made them himself. He had
been "away" for four years and his family had stopped writing and
visiting. As I sat, wondering what to say, he leaned forward and asked
the most utterly unexpected question. "Father Chinlund, have you, by
chance, read any S.I. Hayakawa?" His cultured voice and grave, direct
gaze communicated immediately that he was serious.
By sheer coincidence, I actually had
read enough Hayakawa in the not too distant past to be able to hold up
my end of a conversation about the philosophy of language. This clearly
delighted him. When we had to part, he shook my hand warmly as he
thanked me for coming and said, "Father Chinlund, I cannot find words
to say how much this human conversation has meant to me."
As I drove away I discovered those words
coming back to me, and I reflected on what they implied. Cedric
believed that he had no one with whom he could have a human
conversation. But other inmates I had seen also seemed to me men who
would have been grateful to have a human conversation. Their language
was devoid of profanity or even rough talk (though it was clear that at
least sometimes they were deferring to me because of my clerical
collar). Now I was driving away, and it would be three months before my
next visit. Why could those men not somehow all meet together and have
human conversation?
Some others must be isolating themselves
like Cedric, I thought, and reading books in every minute of free
time---not in itself a bad choice. Others were probably just joining in
the endless banter about past injustices, current complaints and
engaging in random macho bravado. This kind of talk seemed to have a
generally corrosive effect, since there was rarely any constructive
dimension to it. I thought that if they could only have human
conversation, they could be freer for a time, lifted out of the pain of
the always-present fact of being in prison. Just listening to them had
been mysteriously uplifting to me. I felt strongly that I was where I
was supposed to be.
The shape of my work in prison was
slowly beginning to take a more realistic frame. The men I had met
inside appeared quiet and centered to the point that it was easy to
imagine them being helpful to each other. They were respectful toward
me - but I was sure that they would be more lively, honest and usefully
tough in a group of their peers. It made sense to organize group
discussions just as we had at our sheltered workshop, but at that time
there were no such groups in prison, except for a few AA and Gamblers
Anonymous meetings. If I wanted any such thing to happen, I would have
to get groups going myself.
I decided to try at Green Haven, a
maximum-security institution in Stormville, a little town an hour and a
half north of New York City. It was much closer than either Clinton or
Attica- eight hours north and west, respectively--and there were half a
dozen inmates on our East Harlem Protestant Parish list at Green Haven.
On previous visits, I had met with the
Warden, Harold Follette, on my way in and on my way out. I had sat in
his huge office (now divided and again divided, into small cubicles) as
he probed my purpose in coming, asked if there was anything that I
discovered that he should know, and asked if I had any ideas to share.
He weighed over three hundred pounds, and his balding head was buzz
cut. At the time, I did not know his background and was later glad I
did not, because I would have found it challending to work with him.
Follette had a reputation for being
vicious. He had been the Principal Keeper, otherwise known as Deputy
Warden, at Dannemora, and the prisoners were aware of his ferocious
actions. In fact, when he arrived at Green Haven they went on strike by
staying in their cells in the hope that they might somehow make him go
away.
An inmate strike is a serious matter.
The longer it lasts, the harder it is to end it. There is no mess hall;
garbage piles up; tension fester. To break a strike, Follette chose the
only method he knew: brutality. He had the officers form a gauntlet on
each side of the corridor on one cell block. Then they pulled the
inmates out of their cells one by one, forced them to strip and made
them crawl naked down the line oinking like pigs, as the officers beat
them with night-sticks. Then the officers went to the next block, and
threatened the same treatment. The strike ended. Though I did not hear
this story until after Follette died, it was not hard to believe.
But I did not know that then. Follette
seemed to trust me and was intrigued by the new, but escalating problem
of drug abuse. Since I saw him before and after each set of individual
visits in Green Haven, I had the opportunity to raise the
question of meeting in groups in the normal course of conversation. It
was better than trying to negotiate through a formal letter, which
would surely have elicited a formal rejection.
In those days, there was much anxiety
that inmates would hatch plots to escape or to take over the prison - a
fear that continues to this day, but which is handled in more
sophisticated ways. Inmates were not allowed to speak to each other
except in the yard and from cell to cell when they were locked up. They
were required to be absolutely silent in the corridors. They walked
single file, on the right side of a yellow line. The yellow lines are
still there, but silence is no longer imposed. In the few basic
education classes that were held, inmates could speak only to the
teacher. Group discussion of any kind was viewed as dangerous.
However, I was by then going once a week
to Green Haven and had had several conversations with Follette. I
proposed that I be allowed to meet with several inmates at a time. He
said that we would have to have an Officer present during all the
meetings. I readily agreed. He said he would check out my list of
prisoners to see if there were any "trouble-makers." Again, I agreed.
To my surprise, Follette then said I could proceed with the group
meetings, but first, he insisted I get permission from the Commissioner
himself.
Commissioner Paul McGinnis was like many
of the wardens: a gruff man given to quick, harsh judgments. Once while
I was in his office he took a call from his deputy, and talked with him
about what to do with a prisoner who had hidden a very small tin can up
his rectum, which could not be retrieved. Could he be transferred to
the prison hospital? He laughed as he ordered that the can be removed
as best it could. Presumably the inmate had inserted it with drugs
inside, brought by a visitor. If his rectum went into spasm, removing
it without hospitalization would cause tearing in the rectum, and
possibly lead to infection or blood poisoning. But the Commissioner was
unmoved, laughing during the brief conversation. I struggled to control
myself from challenging his pointless brutality.
On this visit I simply told McGinnis
that I thought the groups were beneficial, that an Officer would always
be present; and that Follette had approved. McGinnis was sizing me up.
He apparently decided I was not a bleeding heart and approved my
request. Just that was a huge concession. But then I had to go back to
him in later months to get successive approvals: first because I wanted
people who had been in prison to come back inside to participate; then
for someone still on parole to come inside; and finally again to get
permission for people who had been in prison to lead groups alone - the
only way we could involve sizable numbers of inmates.
Each of these moves, going up another
notch in the level of perceived risk, was an adventure. I always feared
that I was asking too much too soon. I was anxious that McGinnis would
grow weary of my importuning and in a fit of pique, roll the program
back, or abolish it altogether.
During one appointment, before I could
speak, he threw in my lap a copy of an anti-Vietnam War pamphlet called
The Seven Last Words of Christ, featuring photographs of the ongoing
conflict matched with the seven phrases of Jesus as he was dying on the
cross. I particularly remember one photograph, then circulating around
the world, of an American soldier seated on top of a huge tank, looking
back at the body of a Vietnamese being dragged by a rope. The caption
was: "Father forgive them for they know not what they do." I could feel
myself flushing with anger and shame: I was sure McGinnis knew I was
passionately opposed to the war, just as I knew he was a particular
kind of devout Roman Catholic who thought people of my persuasion were
cowards and traitors.
I turned the pages slowly, though I had
seen the booklet before. I asked myself what would be the honest thing
to do. I wanted with all my heart to work in the prisons. I felt called
by God to be there, and I knew McGinnis would probably be Commissioner
for years to come. I could not change his mind about the war, and if I
drew a line in the sand I would be out the door, program eliminated,
inmates abandoned by one more person trying to make a human connection.
I also did not want to lie about my convictions. It was an issue I
would face again and again with wardens and even Officers. I found
myself handing back the pamphlet, looking him in the eye and saying,
"That really is something!" I had ducked. He hesitated and
changed the subject.
The last time I saw him in his office,
he had returned after an illness of several months. I shook his hand
and said, "You certainly look fully recovered!" He twisted my arm until
I was literally on the floor of the office on my knees in the doorway
and he said, "I guess I am in good shape!" Much laughter. I saw him in
the years after his retirement eating dinner in the local Howard
Johnson's, first with his wife, then alone. He always greeted me
warmly, always asked about the program. The last thing he said to me
was, "The whole system's going to hell. No balls."
I still marvel that these tyrants
acceded to my requests when they could just as easily have thrown me
out. But they did agree, I believe, because even they had their own
buried treasures. Deep down, they wanted to believe that they too had
more gifts of mercy and fairness than they revealed on the surface.
They were, in effect, prisoners too; I was giving them an opportunity
to be good people for a moment.
Back then, the distinction
between staff and inmates was even greater than it is today. There was
a deep racial divide as all-white staff from rural upstate confronted
an ever-higher proportion of minority prisoners from New York, Buffalo,
Rochester, Syracuse, and Albany. I wanted to minimize this divide, and
to emphasize the fact that we were all human with human problems that
differed only in size and detail according to innumerable factors - an
idea that strongly contradicted the prison culture of the time.
It was not until the 1980’s that there
was serious and effective recruitment of minority staff, a profound
change in the prison world I had entered two decades before. It was
clear that prisoners felt safer with Officers of their own race. On a
more subtle level, many white Officers began to make friends, for the
first time in their lives, with non-white people. Back then, it was
almost unthinkable: “Where would they live, out here in the country?”
And “They would not feel comfortable, being African Americans on an
all-white staff.”
I started running the group sessions at
Green Haven in 1964. The plan was to continue indefinitely, as long as
the program was useful. In the beginning I ran the group in an "open"
way. We would start by my asking, "What's happening?" and members would
just say whatever they wished. One inmate might say, "I haven't had any
mail from home and I'm really pissed." Another would respond, "When was
the last time you wrote to them?" Or, one might say, "I can't get into
the school program." Another inmate might challenge him by asking how
many slips he had put in to request school. But invariably this
open-ended structure also brought an airing of problems that no one
could do anything about. I began to shape the exchange by asking that
they limit their "distress talk" to issues they themselves could
address - not problems at the institution that were the business of the
people running it. The warden made it clear that he would entertain no
talk about such matters. I was there only to help prisoners deal with
life as they found it, not to modify their surroundings.
Furthermore, Follette always said he
would not allow me to meet without staff present. In a way, I was happy
to agree. The Officer obviously reported on what happened to the
Warden, but as far as I was concerned we were only talking about being
human. That included the Officer, and his presence would only reinforce
the truth that we are all human, even prisonm staff. Follette
introduced me to Wayne Strack, a fine, young, by-the-book Officer who
was perfect for the assignment. He participated in the groups in a
minimal way, enough to be "in," but not so much as to attract the focus
of the group to himself or to reveal too much about his personal life
(which was quite conventional; he was a happy family man).
Limiting the scope of our conversations
was excellent discipline because it insured that we would have sessions
concerned with personal transformation rather than gripes, however
legitimate the gripes may have been - and there were many legitimate
gripes. One of many attempts I made to try to focus the conversation
came out of inmates' feelings that they had no recourse but to fight if
they were insulted. Some said that they were in prison right then
because of violent acts arising from just such insults. So we talked
together about the "trigger words" that would infuriate the prisoners
and trap them into answering with their fists, or worse. The simple
repetition of the trigger words in the group meetings seemed to reduce,
a little, the power of the insults.
One inmate said that he was currently
serving a long sentence because someone in the street had called him a
"scumbag." He had tried to kill the man and came close to succeeding. I
asked him, "Would you do the same thing again if someone used the same
word?"
"I'm afraid I would."
"Would you be interested in whether
everyone here defines the word the same way?"
"I guess so." Then followed a pathetic
attempt at definition that boiled down to three possibilities: a douche
bag; a bag in a toilet stall to be used for discarded sanitary napkins;
and many said they really did not know what the word meant. No one
laughed.
"How do you feel about spending years in
prison because of your reaction to a word of uncertain meaning?"
"I feel bad."
"Do you think you could learn to react
differently in the future?"
"I could try."
"How about trying right now?"
"OK, what do you mean?"
Then I made a big mistake. We were
holding our meeting in a crowded multi-purpose room. Some inmates,
including the one in question, were sitting on top of file cabinets. I
thought we had talked about this particular trigger word long enough
for it to be effectively defused, so I raised my voice and said
"Scumbag!" to him. He leaped off the cabinet, heading straight for me.
Other inmates instantly intervened and wrestled him to a standstill. No
one was hurt. The man, trembling with rage, looked at me with
confusion. His head was telling him that I was a friend, or at least a
person trying to help him. His gut was telling him that I was someone
who should be obliterated.
Once again, I had been much too quick to
believe that profound feelings of self-contempt could be quickly and
easily resolved. In prison there is an enormous need for people to be
reminded every day of their own value as human beings. That reminder
runs counter to a lifetime of contrary messages: "You're stupid. You're
bad. You should never have been born. You're just like your father, and
he's in jail where he belongs." And, of course, "Your mother's a
whore." Any taunt ignites the flame of violence in the smoldering
volcano of prison culture.
The ingrained belief that "I am bad" was
evident in Dilly, another member of the Green Haven inmate group. He
was an intelligent, articulate and high-strung inmate very involved in
the life of the group. He remarked from time to time on ways he felt he
was changing. One day he did not show up. I learned that he had been
keep-locked, or confined to his cell as a punishment. When he returned
to the group in two weeks, it was part of our routine for the inmate to
explain what had happened. Dilly was disgusted. "I got busted for
talking in line." His lip was still swollen and one eye was partly
closed. "They gave me all this, too."
The group looked at me. I repeated the
rule: "I cannot do anything about unjust use of force. Do any of you
have anything you would like to ask or say to Dilly?" One man asked him
who the officer was.
"Powell," Dilly replied.
Another said, as others chimed in,
"Powell! You know he has as bad a reputation as any officer in the
joint! Why you had to pull his chain talking in line?" Dilly looked
down. Another inmate said, "Dilly, you've got as many old scars on your
face as all the rest of us put together. Have you always looked for
trouble?"
It was a beginning for Dilly to look at
himself in a new way. A few weeks later he told the group that he
wanted them to stop calling him Dilly, that his name was really
Jonathan. It was a brutal way to learn the lesson, but I was glad he
had a caring group to help him learn it instead of having people like
Powell pound him deeper into the ground.
The group structure was
composed of three levels, designed to address the men's different needs
as they progressed. The lowest level, C, was for groups of twenty who
had signed up requesting to participate and come off a waiting list. If
they talked about their own personal issues and were able to listen to
others, they were eligible for the next level, if they requested the
promotion themselves. B Groups were smaller - eight to ten - the place
where the real work was done. There was stability of membership in B
Group, so the trust level grew strong. The A Group was for those
nearing their release dates. They had different matters to discuss,
having to do with jobs, residence and family on the outside. In
retrospect, it might have been better to keep A Group and B Group
together, so those remaining inside might have been even more motivated
to get ready for release and the special problems that were coming.
In B Groups we tried to reach a new
level of self-understanding, and I tried many ways of helping the men
achieve that. One was a self-identification exercise. Each man around
the circle would simply say "I am ... " and then complete the sentence
(or paragraph) in any way he felt was honest.
Fred Clinkscales said, "I am a thief."
He laughed nervously and stopped there. When I asked if there was
anything more to him, he said, 'No. I'm only a thief. Been one all my
life. Stole from my family when I was a kid. Then from sidewalk stores.
Then burglaries. This is my third bit (third time in prison)." Another
inmate said "Fred, you're also my friend." Fred agreed, but only with
reluctance, to being both a thief and a friend. It was as if he was
clinging to his familiar negative identity; it was all he knew. It
amazed me that admitting anything else made it seem as if he was giving
up something. It took me a long time to learn that he felt he was
losing his freedom. As he was, he was free to be a bad dude. He liked
being a bad dude. He was good at it. No one messed with him. Now, if he
was also a friend, he might be weak, and vulnerable, and anyone might
mess with him.
Fred helped me realize vividly the
horror of committing street crimes for a living. He described waiting
to mug people, standing in a doorway, saying to himself, "The next one
that goes by is mine. Tall or short, thin or fat, black or white, male
or female. If I wait and think about it, there is always some reason
not to do it and then I'm still broke and still strung out..." He used
to wait by a lamppost, or in a doorway to check out who was coming, but
he said that the problem was that he had too much time to think. Often
there was a reason not to jump the person, Fred said: "Looks too tough;
looks like my sister; might be an undercover cop. So, I started waiting
in a doorway and listened for the steps. That's when I said, 'This one
is mine.' And I would jump." Another prisoner asked him: "How did it
work for you?" "See where I am," said Fred. No one laughed.
Then he commented, "I'd still be doing
it if I wasn't in prison. I'm glad I'm not doing it." He appeared
thoughtful, sincere, a little surprised at himself. He still seemed
unaware of the ripples of pain he had caused: to the victim of the
crime; to the family around the victim; to the friends of the victim
who were now afraid to go out at night even if they were shift-workers,
for esample, and had no choice. But, Fred had made a beginning.
Fred was one of many who helped me
understand that for some prisoners, it can almost be said that other
people don't really exist: they live in a solipsistic world that served
them well while they were children. During those early years of neglect
and abuse, they simply retreated for self-protection into themselves.
Sometimes they went into a child's fantasy world, but more often it was
a world in which they learned to look out only for their own safety.
This meant not acknowledging the existence, and, in particular, the
feelings, of those around them. Stealing from their often abusive
fathers, mothers and sisters and brothers led naturally to stealing
from others in the streets.
It was painful to imagine the actual
crimes which, for me, had up to now only been statistics or media
stories. I thought about the boys who had broken my brother's arm years
before and taken my money. Talking with human beings who actually
committed those crimes made me see their side, even though in the
groups they were always so well behaved that it was a challenge to
imagine them being that desperate. It was painful to recognize the
truth that these men, my friends, had caused great pain to many people.
It was also during this period that I
learned that most inmates had their own limits: crimes they considered
beyond the pale. This came out when one prisoner admitted, "I was so
strung out that I stole money from my mother." Another inmate
interrupted and said proudly, "That is something I would never do.
Stealing from your own mother!" The first one replied, "I have my own
limits. I would never give blow jobs for money." And then the others
joined in, each proudly saying what act or crime he had reserved as
"impossible." Another said that he remembered when he was living with
his sister, he was doing horrible things in the street (which he would
not specify), but that he would never steal from his sister. She was
his only friend. In the meantime I was encouraged that each seemed
proud of having moral limits however minimal. Honor of some
sort played some role in their lives. Later I found out that this was
not true of all prisoners. Some had no limits. They were the ones who
were still desperadoes, ready for homicidal violence at the smallest
provocation. Inaccessible to any serious conversation about anything.
My happiness and excitement about the
strengthening work in prison coincided with the time of the greatest
personal sadness in my own life. I was in the process, in 1965, of
getting a divorce from Gay, my first wife. Our children were six and
four, and it tore me apart. I had been utterly committed to the
marriage and to my children and could not believe this was happening to
me.
I was trying to help others
succeed and I was, myself, failing in my own most serious
commitment, to my family. Nothing was more important to me than having
a stable home for my two beloved children, and now that seemed
impossible. My wife had fallen in love with another man; I waited two
years for her to change her mind and finally realized that I could wait
no longer. In retrospect I should have been stronger, more demanding,
but then I would never have had the joys that have come (new marriage,
another son, another daughter in law, a granddaughter) as a result of
all the pain. Back then I wondered if I was a fraud. Then my own words
came back to me: no one is perfect; life goes on. Even though my
children were hurt, maybe they too could gain something from the
painful experience. And I never felt closer to God. My prayers were all
about staying faithful to Him, confident that we could go through the
trying time and come out of it together. Maybe my dark night of the
soul is still to come; that would have been the time, in that night,
for me to have one. I feel miraculously blessed that it has not
happened yet. At that time in my life, I definitely felt that I was
more deeply connected to the group of men in prison than ever before.
The prison groups were not intended to
be therapy for me, but when the men commented that I was not entirely
myself, I shared what was going on in my life. Brief as my parts of the
sessions were, it was a healing experience.
I discovered the healing Body of Christ
in prison. It may sound strange, but we were all broken, without
pretense, vulnerable and honest with each other. We certainly had
problems of different magnitude, but we cried together and healed
together. I felt I could be more fully and consistently myself in those
groups than I could be in any other setting. So the Body of Christ is
characterized by honesty, most of all. Many of Jesus' sayings sound as
if they could have been preceded by His stating, "Don't kid yourselves"
or "Don't hide behind your questions; what you are really saying is ...
" The Prison Code, unspoken, certainly prevented them from saying many
things, and there was a universe of revelations that they did want to
speak about. Nevertheless, there was trust in those groups and there
was much that was said. Sharing intimate and shameful histories was a
significant relief, but it meant first being somehow broken, poured
out, like the body and the blood of Christ. The Biblical passage,
"Where there is love, there is God" kept coming to mind.
One of the inmates said, "You're white,
handsome, well educated. We thought you'd have all the women and money
you ever would want. It blows my mind that you'd be sad about losing
one woman!" I believe that my experience helped them to have a
different way of looking at marriage in particular and women in
general. Telling them about my experience also helped me believe that
there was someone out there for me.
I was married again, a year and a half
later, at the end of 1966, to the love of my life, Caroline Cross. We
were introduced by a mutual friend and I fell in love the first time I
looked at her face. Most of the men in the group contiunued as members
through all that excitement, and we had good talks together about
monogamy and commitment.
Mostly the meetings were times of simple
sharing of pain. The men missed their children and were most open about
that. There was a gritty, grinding misery about missing their women.
Though they rarely mentioned it, that pain was never far away. It ate
away at their cores in ways they could not explain or even describe
because their relationships with their women were often sub-verbal and
one-sided: "I command; you obey." The women could withhold sex, money,
connection to children, affection and the dimly perceived avenue to a
more civilized life. The men would hit, or leave, or both, and they
did. That layer of agony was like a time bomb because it was so poorly
understood that it transformed itself into constant anger that led to
sudden eruptions. One man said that he was back in prison for brutally
beating his woman. As he spoke of it, he clearly implied that the crime
had followed his having failed sexually in some way. He had blamed his
victim for his own human limitations.
The men were amazed to learn that sex
could be even more satisfying as a part of life when it has its own
rhythms and was not automatic. That fit with their disbelief
that one could be monogamous and committed for a lifetime, and that
this led to a more meaningful relationship.
`We talked particuarly about domestic
violence. One man said, "I don't fight. I would tell her what
I wanted. If she didn't do it, I hit her. Then she would do it." I was
thunderstruck by the bland way he said this. In my own life I was
wrestling with layers of upset emotions, subtleties of anger and the
denial of unwelcome feelings. Entering their world, which contained
little obvious nuance, helped me to be more honest with myself. I in
turn tried to help them to realize that there was a universe of complex
interactions waiting for them. One man shook his head. "Fucking the
same woman for forty years! Doesn't seem possible."
When I tried to touch on root causes,
especially childhood relationships with parents, I was quickly aware
that I had moved my hand close to high-voltage wires: "If I could find
my father, I would kill him," said one. Another: "I don't talk about my
mother - ever." And: "I don't remember anything before I was a
teenager." These statements were all made with barely contained fury.
One man's earliest memory was of his father killing his little sister
with a poker. This told me that it would simply not be possible to go
through the practice of the traditional therapy of the time: discover
the childhood roots of the problems, desensitize them and live life
free of neurosis. And, of course, I was not a psychotherapist. But I
was in another land, and it was going to be necessary to find an
innovative way to touch their older pain, one in which the men could
discover their own value, as people first, and then begin to address
the other, deeper, problems later. They needed to believe they were
worth bothering about before they could begin any serious
self-examination.
Then one day, in a group at Green Haven,
a member mentioned something he himself had done in which he took
satisfaction. He had finally written a letter to his estranged son.
"And he wrote me back!" He was delighted with the re-establishment of
his father-son connection.
The whole group connected gladly with
his new satisfaction. Reflecting on that moment as I drove home, it
seemed very important. It was something that could be intentionally
repeated in fuiture group meetings.
The human potential movement was just
getting into full swing then, and I had learned from such seminal
figures as Virginia Satir, Dorothy Stoneman and John Bell in workshops.
Virginia was a leader, going around the nation and eventually the
world, helping people discover the courage, brains and imagination that
exist in ourselves, covered over by our cultural training to put
ourselves down in the name of modesty. I was also increasingly upset
about the usual teaching of the Church: that we are hopeless sinners,
and that only the outside help of God can make us acceptable. We are
trained to ignore the good in ourselves.
Dorothy and John were involved in
Re-Evaluation Co-counseling, a movement started in Washington State,
and were running training groups for people unrelated to the prison
world. I went to learn about what they were doing. The groups met in
East Harlem where they and others had started a primary school. The
training helped everyone learn to be more understanding of themselves,
their children and their parents. They began by asking each person in
the group to name something they had done which they felt good about
doing. Today it may sound simple and obvious, but it continues to amaze
me that this basic act of recollection and declaration in a small group
has such a powerful, energizing effect. It is also more difficult than
it initially appears.
So, at the next prison group meeting, I
asked that each of us do the same thing: say something positive we had
done before starting to talk about our problems. I realized that it was
hard for many group members to be able to say something good that they
had done. Most had to dig pretty hard to find something that they had
done that was good. But through the group process I was attempting an
all-out assault on the fortress of the members' view of themselves as
bad, only bad, people.
Frankie Adams, a handsome dark-skinned
man who normally had a big smile now spoke haltingly, with tears
streaming down his face. "I am only a piece of shit," he sobbed. He
placed his large hands in front of him as one would cover a cup of hot
coffee in a cold room to show that he meant just what he said. Others
in the group, weeping also, told him what he meant to them as a friend.
He said that no one had ever said anything good about him before. He
could not think of one good thing he had ever done in his life.
However, little by little, with the new
exercises, the men began to get in touch with the positive, small
actions that knit together any more "normal" person's life. One inmate,
Michael Odett, especially convinced of his bad identity, nevertheless
looked to me as if he was, deep down, open. I finally asked him, on a
hunch, maybe out of my great affection for my own sister, Edie, if he
had any younger sisters.
His face softened, "Yes, one."
I asked if he had ever defended her when
she was a young teenager.
"Oh, yes. The guys knew they would have
to deal with me."
I said, "So you were a good brother."
He looked very sad and said that he had
let her down badly ever since then. He had even stolen money from her
at the bottom of his addiction.
I stopped him from going on, reminding
him that we were only trying at that moment to remember the occasions
of responsible action. We had agreed that saying; "I am a good brother
(or man, or son)" does not mean you always acted well. So again, I
said, "Were you a good brother?" he said, "Yeah, I guess so." I said,
"You have to say the words without saying 'I guess so'. It is only the
truth," Finally, he said, "I am a good brother," and his face contorted
into tears.
A display of emotion like Michael's was
not an uncommon experience, but when it happened, I was always
surprised by its force. After forty years I still only understand this
phenomenon partly: there is a certain kind of security - a freedom from
responsibility - in an “all-bad” identity. You have no tension in your
life if you are someone from whom no good can come. You can relax and
just be bad. As one inmate said, "I can just go ahead and be the
son-of-a-bitch I really am." The tears of sadness may have come also
from the veil being lifted on the wasted years. A life that might have
been, suddenly comes clearer. It made Michael wish all the more that he
had been a good brother always.
There is a shock of surprise for one who
has thought for many years that his life was set, like a chasm opening
in the road. I believe also it is a way of connecting with
the person we were when we were small children. We were loving and
trustful if the people around us were loving even in minimal ways. Even
children who have been abused or neglected continue to have powerful
feelings of loyalty toward their flawed caretakers.
Finally, there is a fear. To lose, even
momentarily, the shield of cynicism and hardness means that you are
vulnerable to buried memories of the past - and hopes of the future.
The Russian philosopher-theologian Nicholas Berdyaev said of this
process that people are thus able to move "up from absurdity to
tragedy." The lives of many, perhaps most, inmates seem absurd in the
literal sense (away from or outside any core meaning of life: "ab"
meaning "away" and "surd" meaning "whole" or "central unity"). It is a
step up, but still a step worthy of tears.
We all agreed that being able to affirm
our goodness, whatever we may have done wrong, was critically important
for our own sense of reality. So from that time on the meetings started
that way, with self affirmations.
The door was now open for Michael Odett
and others in the group to rediscover both old and more recent positive
memories. Most important, they could recognize things they did every
day in prison that made life better for another inmate (even an
officer!). Or for themselves: trouble avoided, drugs refused, a letter
home written, a meditation discipline maintained. Some inmates were
able to make lists that seemed endless, and that in itself was
energizing.
Reports of the "good stuff” were never
questioned. Sometimes prisoners said that they had lied in their
positive reports and then decided actually to do what they falsely said
they had done.
The format of the group meetings now had
two parts: self-affirmation, followed by discussions of problems of
stress. The stress issues continued to leave the group feeling
overwhelmed and discouraged. It seemed that the men continued to be as
sad at the end as they were in the beginning. So one day I proposed
that we conclude the next meeting with a third part, in which we would
say what we planned to do in the next week that would be satisfying.
One small plan of action, something that could be reported as a
self-affirmation the following week. That became the third part of the
meetings. Their plan had to be specific, and it had to be something
that they could be sure of doing themselves. They had control.
Initially, there was resistance to this
new addition. The men protested: "We're in prison. We can't make plans.
All our choices are made for us." But when I asked them to consider the
number of choices they had already made, just in that day since they
were first awake, many of them were amazed when they recognized the
breadth of their volitional circle. First, in the morning they got up
out of the bunk. They could have stayed in their bunks and been
punished. Then they washed somehow. They straightened their cells. Some
prayed and many did push-ups and sit-ups. They went out into the
dangers of the population, and faced other inmates. They avoided
fights, avoided drugs, said an encouraging word, meditated, wrote, went
to classes, read in their cells. As the group members recognized
moments of opportunity to choose their course of action, this third
part became a successful addition, and sometimes emotionally moving.
For example, Sam came to a meeting in a
rage. He could not even participate in the first part and say anything
good about himself. "Somebody beat me for my sweater!" He explained
that his sister had knit a green sweater for him, permissible on the
property list, and he had greatly treasured it: for the sentimental
value, for being something a little special, and for keeping him warm
in the yard. He said he was reasonably sure that he knew who had taken
it and that he intended to "hurt the man." The group gave him good
feedback, especially one prisoner who asked "How will your sister feel
when she finds out that you are doing more years for felonious assault
over HER sweater?" He was still spitting with anger.
Finally, after listening to all the rest
of the meeting and everyone else's plans, Sam said, "I'm going to let
it go. I'm still mad, but I'm going to start reading that book she gave
me, not go to the yard and be cool. Let it go." The group cheered.
We continued with the three-part form
for a couple of years. It proved so dynamic, even dislocating, that the
men said they were leaving the meetings "disarmed." They returned to
regular prison life "too open, too fired up," as one of them said. They
were vulnerable to harm "in population" - teasing, hazing, physical
attack--because they carried themselves in a vulnerable way.
So we finally added a fourth part:
silence. We concluded the meetings with a time in which they could take
slow, deep, abdominal breaths, reflect on what they had said, and pray
silently, perhaps, for themselves, for others in the group and for
family members they had named. This helped them to regain their
centers, become firm and determined. They were protected, ready to
return to population.
Since silence in prison is present only
as a chance, unexpected absence of noise, almost never as a happily
made choice, I had been anxious about proposing it as a fourth part. It
was, however, the way I wished, more and more, that we could end our
meetings. It connected me with the silence of the Quaker meetings of my
own childhood, and the silence I had experienced in the monasteries at
Fiesole, Mt. Athos and Taizé.
Silence in God is one key to weathering
the fearsome, noisy and brutal storms of prison life. I hoped that some
of the prisoners would find in the silence what I had first discovered
as a little boy and as a teenager.
I learned that a few men were already
involved in using silence to fortify themselves. Some even found
themselves thinking, in the silence, about surviving the worst that
could happen to them. Like a child who decides that he will not cry
when he is spanked, they used the silence to make themselves stronger
in the face of future beatings and humiliations. Silence became a time
to build their shield. It was something new for them to be in group
silence even for a full minute (eternity in today's culture) and they
were impressed by the power of intentional, community silence. There is
a unique intimacy which comes from being with people who are letting
their hearts and minds wander over the full range of thoughts: pious,
violent, erotic, banal, loving, penitential and thankful. Many of the
men were praying.
It was in this way that the
Four Part meeting was born: Self-Affirmations; Issues of Stress and
Pain; a Short Range Plan; Silence. Since then, the Four Part Meeting
has proved a form of remarkable endurance and effectiveness with many
different kinds of participants, not just people convicted of crimes.
I have tried this same four part form of
meeting with success in New York City public schools. The children,
grades four to twelve, get it right away. They love the structure. Dr.
Thom Turner, the man I recruited to lead the program, added a phrase to
the beginning. Each child says his/her name and then says, "My dream is
to be ... " before going on to "I feel good about myself because I ...
" In constantly holding their dream before them, I believe, they find
new determination to live it out. And, I do love hearing original
combinations: "My dream is to be an actress and a lawyer." Or, "My
dream is to be a football player and a pediatrician."
I have also used the same form with
elderly people. "How can I have a plan? I could die anytime," They
would say.
"You still can have a plan to buy a
small potted plant."
"Oh, yes. Well, I plan to call my old
friend Rachel."
Inmates often said things like, "I wish
I could have met this way, and done these Four Parts, every week while
I grew up, during my school years. I would never have ended up in
prison."
I learned a lot in those years,
1964-1968, from working, one day each week, inside Green Haven. Most of
the lessons were ones I was forced to learn. Since I had been required
by Warden Follette to have Officers inside the circle, I found out, for
one thing, that it really is possible to break the prison code and
create a setting in which both staff and prisoners can learn to be more
fully human. Among the (then) almost all-white Officer staff, some
seemed to have taken their jobs in order to be in daily contact with
people they could look down upon, so that blurring the lines was
unwelcome. Similarly, prisoners (who by then were increasingly Black
and Latino) wanted to be completely different from the "police." They
generally wanted nothing to do with making things better, or "squaring
up." Life was simpler if they could just go ahead in their accustomed
roles.
But two Officers helped pave the way:
Joseph Keenan and Tony Pezzullo, each in their mid-thirties. They both
were men of courage who knew how to stand up to other Officers, and to
prisoners. Joe and Tony each had homes nearby, were committed to their
families and loved to laugh. Joe had two children. Tony had three and
was a gifted craftsman; he would build a new house, sell it, then build
a new one. He made Adirondack flat-bottom boats for fishermen of such
high quality that one is exhibited in the Adirondack Museum. Both men
also had room for change. Each was rather committed to the conventions
of being an officer, which included, at that time, a cynical attitude
about the capacity of inmates to change, and only a minimal interest in
their own development as professionals. But each was surprised to find
himself saying, "Yes, what am I doing about my own life; my own growth
as a person?" Both began attending community college courses. Joe put
his name on the list to take the Sergeant's exam - a bigger step than
it might seem because back then the line between Correction Officers
(blue shirts) and supervisory staff: Sergeants, Lieutenants and
Captains (white shirts) was pretty rigid.
Though I was an outsider, it was clear
that I brought something to the prisoners, and even to the staff. The
waiting list was growing. I loved going to prison.
However, the sharing by peers was always
and obviously much more important than anything I myself might say. I
repeatedly had the experience of saying something, drawing blank
stares, and then seeing immediate understanding by the group when a
prisoner said virtually the same words I had used! It was
overwhelmingly plain to me that the color of my skin, my education, and
(maybe most of all) the fact that I could have quit my job at any time
and done something else for more money, all combined to make it hard
for them to hear me.
It was also clear that after one year,
in 1964, our little group of eleven had pushed the whole prison a
little bit in a good new direction. Up to this time, there was just one
group. Yet not only did all of the 1,800 men confined in Green Haven
know about the program; they were all challenged by it because it was a
little harder to hide behind their cynicism. As the program grew in
strength, it was no longer easy to dismiss it as "all bullshit." There
was a voice calling all 1,800, and the staff, to have the courage to
sign up and get real.
I would not have missed the sessions for
anything, and neither would the former prisoners who worked with me.
Our team arrived on time in blizzards and heavy rain, coming from East
Harlem like clockwork. A few officers were even angry with us because
some of them had tried to give bad weather as an excuse for being late,
only to be told we had made it all the way from the city on time.
One day when we were late leaving East
Harlem, it looked as if we would actually be late arriving for the
first time ever. I was driving a station wagon carrying five black and
Latino men on parole, and I was speeding. A State Trooper stopped us
and I explained the situation, all of us in white shirts and ties
(uniforms I believed necessary to gain credibility with staff) headed
for prison. The Trooper looked inside dubiously, then carefully, while
my passengers squirmed as they always did when they were near the
police. Finally he said that he believed my story and he was real
sorry, but his partner on the bridge (still in sight behind us) would
never believe it. Rather, the partner would assume I had paid him off,
so, he would have to give me a speeding ticket - the only one I have
ever gotten in my whole life. That friendly gesture was not just
because of my clerical collar; I had stopped wearing it anyway after a
few years of going inside. It helped in the beginning, I thought, to
diminish my difference because of race and being an outsider; I was
just a person, neither staff nor prisoner.
Also, I found that many prisoners had
had terrible experiences with representatives of God, who portrayed
that God as a tyrant akin to Warden Follette, full of wrath and
impossible to satisfy. One man, Mark Shepherd, who was soon to be
released, had a mother who was a storefront minister. She had believed
that her son would stop "being bad" as a teenager if he would only give
his life to God. He refused ever more stubbornly. Finally she beat him
repeatedly, lashing his legs with fury until the blood came. He pulled
up his trousers to show me the marks on his shins, impressive scars
that remained fifteen years later. I certainly didn't want to remind
Mark of her. But I stopped wearing my collar mainly because it seemed
to connect me with those who said "People are bad. Only God is good." I
was there to say: all people are both good and bad.
When Mark Shepherd was released, he
clearly needed substantial help to make the transition. He tried to
follow through, looking for work, but always came up empty. He was
determined not to go back to prison. But it was the same old story. He
had little job experience. He had a prison record and no money. He was
tall and dark skinned, and that all combined to make him appear
threatening to employers.
I had heard that there was a place one could go "to shape up," to help
unload trucks in the middle of the night. Truck drivers stopped there
and picked up helpers just before delivering. The spot was in Manhattan
under the West Side Highway near the Washington Street meat markets -
now a chic neighborhood of trendy restaurants, but then a dimly lit,
out-of-the-way warehouse district. I set my alarm for 2:00 A.M., put on
my boots, and went to meet Mark. I had told him that he better not
stand me up, I did not want to give up a good night's sleep for
nothing.
Mark showed up on time and we moved
toward a group of figures gathered around a fire in a big oil can with
holes punched in the side. There was no conversation. No one looked
happy to be there, and they did not seem pleased when Mark and I
arrived, a distinctly odd couple of newcomers. We took our places in
the outer ring, getting little benefit from the fire. Soon
the trucks began to appear. The driver climbed down from the cab and
approached the group. He would quickly choose one man, who would go off
with him. Then the next truck came.
We waited more than two hours. I was not
sure how to handle it if I were picked, intending to ask the driver to
consider Mark. I did not know how that would work out. But the problem
never came because, as dawn was breaking, Mark was chosen. He was
laughing at me as he drove off.
It was not until I was on my way home to
get ready to go to my actual job that I wondered whether anyone had
thought about beating me up. One less man in the shape-up. But the
group around the fire may have known I would not be chosen; I looked
too weird.
Mark found a job, then he disappeared
from my radar. I hoped that meant that he was doing well.
In the meantime Exodus House was
growing. We raised money to build a halfway house across the street for
men coming out of prison, and we prepared for our first arrivals. Then
in a dispute, which seemed almost endemic to the drug rehab world, the
city part of our work came unraveled. The board of Exodus House decided
that neither Director Lynn Hageman nor I should live in the house
ourselves. I favored, instead, having three shifts of staff and no
live-in directors. We needed staff to be awake and responsible, three
shifts a day, every day of the year. Lynn disagreed with me, organized
some of our clients into pickets and was ready for war. I had no wish
to turn East 103rd Street into the OK Corral. With immense regret, I
left - and three quarters of the staff left with me- to create a new
program. This was Reality House, on 145th Street in central Harlem. It
was a similar operation. The whole prison team left Exodus House and
became part of the staff of Reality House. We continued the prison
visits without interruption.
Then I teamed up with an amazing man
named Leroy Looper, whom I knew from Exodus House. He was an ex-con and
ex-addict with an astonishing gift for group work. He had shown me at
Exodus House that it was possible to run an effective recovery group
for ex-addicts without tearing people up psychologically as they did in
Synanon and Daytop. Leroy became the director of Reality House; I was
the administrator. He was responsible for the operations, while I
raised money and connected to the various agencies. We established
Reality House and then Leroy suddenly left, off to the West Coast.
He arrived in San Francisco without
money, friends or connections, but quickly began to assemble the group
and the funds which have made a major contribution to helping homeless
and mentally ill people there. Leroy helped confirm for me the power of
group work. A 1987 New Yorker profile of him later described his
continuing self transformation from violent man in the street to leader
at Reality House and, later, Executive Director of Cadillac House, a
home for people who are mentally ill in California. He was a
charismatic, resourceful person, destined to go farther than most of us
-and he reinforced my conviction that the same efforts that had brought
him out of the deep hole that had once been his life could also bring
others up to the surface. |